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MAFIA SPIRIT

Friday, August 19, 2011

Organised Crime


A crime boss or boss is a person in charge of a criminal organization. A boss typically has absolute or near-absolute control over his subordinates, is greatly feared by his subordinates for his ruthlessness and willingness to take lives in order to exert his influence, and profits come from the criminal endeavors his organization engages in.
Some groups may only have as little as two ranks (a boss and his soldiers). Other groups have a more complex, structured organization with many ranks, and structure may vary with cultural background.
There is a typical structure which crime organizations may operate under. The Mafia, being a very prominent example, is not the only one. The typical structure is usually as follows:
  • Boss - Also known as the "capo famiglia" or "Capo Crimini", this is the highest level in the criminal organization.
  • Underboss - Also known as the "capo bastone" in some criminal organizations, this individual is the second-in-command. He is responsible for ensuring that profits from criminal enterprises flow up to the boss, and generally oversees the selection of the caporegime(s) and soldier(s) to carry out murders.
  • Consigliere - Also known as an advisor or "right-hand man," a consigliere is a counselor to the boss of a crime family. The boss, underboss, and consigliere constitute a three-man ruling panel, or "Administration." The consigliere is third ranked in the hierarchy but does not have capos or soldiers working for him. Like the boss, there is usually only one consigliere per criminal organization.
  • Caporegime - Also known as a captain, skipper, capo, or "crew chief," the caporegime was originally known as a "capodecina" (captain of ten) because he oversaw only 10 soldiers. In more recent times, the caporegime may oversee as many soldiers as he can efficiently control.
  • Soldato - Also known as a sgarrista, soldier, "button man," or "made man". This is the lowest level of mobster or gangster. A "soldier" must have taken the omertà (oath of silence), and in some organizations must have killed a person in order to be considered "made." A picciotto is a low-level soldier, usually someone who does the day-to-day work of threatening, beating, and intimidating others.
  • Associate - Also known as a "giovane d'onore" (man of honor), an associate is a person who is not a soldier in a crime family, but works for them and shares in the execution of and profits from the criminal enterprise. In Italian criminal organizations, "associates" are usually members of the criminal organization who are not of Italian descent.




Models of organised crime


Causal

The demand for illegal goods and services nurtures the emergence of ever more centralized and powerful criminal syndicates, who may ultimately succeed in undermining public morals, neutralizing law enforcement through corruption and infiltrating the legal economy unless appropriate countermeasures are taken. This theoretical proposition can be depicted in a model comprising four elements: government, society, illegal markets and organized crime. While interrelations are acknowledged in both directions between the model elements, in the last instance the purpose is to explain variations in the power and reach of organized crime in the sense of an ultimately unified organizational entity.


Organisational


Patron-client networks

Patron-client networks are defined by the fluid criminal interactions they produce. Organised crime groups operate as smaller units within the overall network, and as such tend towards valuing significant others, familiarity of social and economic environments, or tradition. These networks are usually composed of:
  • Hierarchies based on 'naturally' forming family, social and cultural traditions;
  • 'Tight-knit' locus of activity/labour;
  • Fraternal or nepotistic value systems;
  • Personalised activity; including family rivalries, territorial disputes, recruitment and training of family members, etc.;
  • Entrenched belief systems, reliance of tradition (including religion, family values, cultural expectations, class politics, gender roles, etc.); and,
  • Communication and rule enforcement mechanisms dependent on organisational structure, social etiquette, history of criminal involvement, and collective decision-making.
Perhaps the best known patron-client networks are the Sicilian and Italian American Cosa Nostra, most commonly known as the Mafia. The Neopolitan Camorra, the Calabrian and Italian Canadian 'Ndrangheta, and the Apulian Sacra Corona Unita are similar Italian organized crime groups. Other organized enterprises include the Russian mafia, Irish mob,Corsican mafia, and the Japanese Yakuza.


Bureaucratic/corporate operations

Bureaucratic/corporate organised crime groups are defined by the general rigidity of their internal structures. Focusing more on how the operations works, succeeds, sustains itself or avoids retribution, they are generally typified by:
  • A complex authority structure;
  • An extensive division of labour between classes within the organisation;
  • Meritocratic (as opposed to cultural or social attributes);
  • Responsibilities carried out in an impersonal manner;
  • Extensive written rules/regulations (as opposed to cultural praxis dictating action); and,
  • 'Top-down' communication and rule enforcement mechanisms.
However, this model of operation has some flaws:
  • The 'top-down' communication strategy is susceptible to interception, more so further down the hierarchy being communicated to;
  • Maintaining written records jeopardises the security of the organisation and relies on increased security measures;
  • Infiltration at lower levels in the hierarchy can jeopardise the entire organisation (a 'house of cards' effect); and,
  • Death, injury, incarceration or internal power struggles dramatically heighten the insecurity of operations.
Whilst bureaucratic operations emphasis business processes and strongly authoritarian hierarchies, these are based on enforcing power relationships rather than an overlying aim of protectionism, sustainability or growth.


Youth and street gangs


A distinctive gang culture underpins many, but not all, organised groups; this may develop through recruiting strategies, social learning processes in the corrective system experienced by youth, family or peer involvement in crime, and the coercive actions of criminal authority figures. The term “street gang” is commonly used interchangeably with “youth gang,” referring to neighborhood or street-based youth groups that meet “gang” criteria. Miller (1992) defines a street gang as “a self-formed association of peers, united by mutual interests, with identifiable leadership and internal organization, who act collectively or as individuals to achieve specific purposes, including the conduct of illegal activity and control of a particular territory, facility, or enterprise."
‘Zones of transition’ refer to deteriorating neighbourhoods with shifting populations - conflict between groups, fighting, 'turf wars,' and theft promotes solidarity and cohesion. Cohen (1955): working class teenagers joined gangs due to frustration of inability to achieve status and goals of the middle class; Cloward and Ohlin (1960): blocked opportunity, but unequal distribution of opportunities lead to creating different types of gangs (that is, some focused on robbery and property theft, some on fighting and conflict and some were retreatists focusing on drug taking); Spergel (1966) was one of the first criminologists to focus on ‘evidence-based practice’ rather than intuition into gang life and culture. Klein (1971) like Spergel studied the effects on members of social workers’ interventions. More interventions actually lead to greater gang participation and solidarity and bonds between members. Downes and Rock (1988) on Parker’s analysis: strain theory applies, labling theory (from experience with police and courts), control theory (involvement in trouble from early childhood and the eventual decision that the costs outweigh the benefits) and conflict theories. No ethnic group is more disposed to gang involvement than another, rather it is the status of being marginalised, alienated or rejected that makes some groups more vulnerable to gang formation, and this would also be accounted for in the effect of social exclusion, especially in terms of recruitment and retention. These may also be defined by age (typically youth) or peer group influences, and the permanence or consistency of their criminal activity. These groups also form their own symbolic identity or public representation which are recognisable by the community at large (include colours, symbols, patches, flags and tattoos).
Research has focused on whether the gangs have formal structures, clear hierarchies and leadership in comparison with adult groups, and whether they are rational in pursuit of their goals, though positions on structures, hierarchies and defined roles are conflicting. Some studied street gangs involved in drug dealing - finding that their structure and behaviour had a degree of organisational rationality. Members saw themselves as organised criminals; gangs were formal-rational organisations, Strong organisational structures, well defined roles and rules that guided members’ behaviour. Also a specified and regular means of income (ie drugs). Padilla (1992) agreed with the two above. However some have found these to be loose rather than well-defined and lacking persistent focus, there was relatively low cohesion , few shared goals and little organisational structure. Shared norms, value and loyalties were low, structures "chaotic", little role differentiation or clear distribution of labour. Similarly, the use of violence does not conform to the principles behind protection rackets, political intimidation and drug trafficking activities employed by those adult groups. In many cases gang members graduate from youth gangs to highly developed OC groups, with some already in contact with such syndicates and through this we see a greater propensity for imitation. Gangs and traditional criminal organisations cannot be universally linked (Decker, 1998), however there there are clear benefits to both the adult and youth organisation through their association. In terms of structure, no single crime group is archetypal, though in most cases there are well-defined patterns of vertical integration (where criminal groups attempt to control the supply and demand), as is the case in arms, sex and drug trafficking.

Individual difference


Entrepreneurial

The entrepreneurial model looks at either the individual criminal, or a smaller group of organised criminals, that capitalise off the more fluid 'group-association' of contemporary organised crime. This model conforms to social learning theory or differential association in that there are clear associations and interaction between criminals where knowledge may be shared, or values enforced, however it is argued that rational choice is not represented in this. The choice to commit a certain act, or associate with other organised crime groups, may be seen as much more of an entrepreneurial decision - contributing to the continuation of a criminal enterprise, by maximising those aspects that protect or support their own individual gain. In this context, the role of risk is also easily understandable, however it is debatable whether the underlying motivation should be seen as true entrepreneurship or entrepreneurship as a product of some social disadvantage.
The criminal organisation, much in the same way as assessing pleasure or pain, weighs up factors like legal, social and economic risk to determine potential profit and loss from certain criminal activities. This decision-making process is constructed from the entrepreneurial nature of its members, their motivations and the environments they work within. Opportunism is also a key factor – the organised criminal or criminal group is likely to fluidly change the criminal associates they have, the types of crime they perpetrates, and how they functions in the public (recruitment, reputation, etc.) in order to ensure efficiency, capitalisation or protection of their interests.


Internet

Wikileaks and Anonymous allow the individual to be involved in organised criminal activity outside of the usual bureaucratic versus network paradigm. The activities of these groups are directly retaliatory to social changes, political and economic decision-making, rather than for profit or interpersonal benefit. Loosely formed groups of illegal hackers, Internet activists, human rights activists and other interest groups agitate around key themes or issues, and are directed by groups of online administrators (usually associated with a central 'lobby' group). This predominantly includes the leaking and distribution of official documents (confidential military information, nuclear weaponry and research data, information on detainee/prisoner conditions, diplomatic information) and co-ordinated cyber attacks on corporations, government bodies and public individuals. The Internet model should not to be confused with simple fraud or identity theft through use of the Internet, which form part of wider criminal operations under bureaucratic or network models. Individual members coalesce for a limited period of time to conduct specifically defined tasks, and are more loosely structured and flexible. These show somewhat different structures between groups from different regions. Very “developed” Eastern European organised cybercriminal groups can be similar to traditional organised crime groups. These groups are also in a unique position due to the fact that physical strength is insignificant to their success. The Internet model allows Anonymous (group) in particular to integrate the entrepreneurial and patron-client network models of organised crime by relying on the enterprise of the individual as the main motivation for their participation in the criminal network. Wikileaks and Anonymous form the role of patron by promoting loyalty to the cause and perpetual succession. Shared accountability may also be seen as a defining factor in this model.


Multimodel approach

Culture and etnicity provide an environment where trust and communication between criminals can be efficient and secure. This may ultimately lead to a competitive advantage for some groups, however it is inaccurate to adopt this as the only determinant of classification in organised crime. This categorisation includes the Sicilian Mafia, Jamaican posses, Colombian drug trafficking groups, Nigerian organised crime groups, Japanese Yakuza (or Boryokudan), Korean criminal groups and ethnic Chinese criminal groups. Under this perspective, organised crime is not a modern phenomenon - the construction of 17th and 18th century crime gangs fulfil all the present day criteria of criminal organisations (in clear opposition to the Alien Conspiracy Theory). These roamed the rural borderlands of central Europe embarking on many of the same illegal activities associated with today’s crime organisations, with the exception of money laundering. When the French revolution created strong nation states, the criminal gangs moved to other poorly controlled regions like the Balkans and Southern Italy, where the seeds were sown for the Sicilian Mafia - the lynchpin of organised crime in the New World.


List of crime bosses

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Wikipedia List of crime bosses

[edit]19th century

[edit]Early 20th century (1900-1919)

[edit]Prohibition (1919-1933)

[edit]Great Depression and World War II (1933-1945)

[edit]Post-World War II (1945-1970)

[edit]Modern era (1970-present)



List of fictional crime bosses

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Wikipedia List of fictional crime bosses
In books

[edit]In comics

[edit]In film

[edit]In television

[edit]In video games

Posted by 父ŞקÍЯÍŦ父
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